Try to make your title an assertive statement, such as:
Rule of thumb: if your title would look weird with a period at the end, it is probably a poor title.
Don’t do this.
Try to tell a story here, no matter what your field. You are writing for human beings, not computers. What’s the area, what’s the problem you are trying to understand. How? What have you found?
(You are summarizing your core results, not cramming them into this tiny space).
Question: How do different types of trust influence compliance with vaccination across counties over time? — Trust and Compliance
What do we know now and what still don’t know now: 1. Political and Social Trust and compliance with disease control measures in crisis time. 2. Compliance with vaccination is also influenced by trust in government also is studied from the public trust.
What are new from my paper: whether and how trust in representative institutions and ordering and implementing institutions/systems, particularized trust, generalized trust, and trust in media influence public compliance in vaccination.
New: normal time, trust is a daily thing. extend the relationship between trust and compliance from crisis time to normal time. Trust needs to be built at a normal time.
Finally, Who cares?——-How should countries do to improve the vaccination rate? Or more specifically, the role of practitioners /community volunteers /traditional ties should be built. Who are they listening to?
infrastructure: cannot be delivered/non-accessible
attitude: hesitancy/compliance
Gap:1. reflect the relationship with the state. so, different types need. 2. Single country, generalization. different effects 3. Individual-level.
Institutions.---heuristic, trust in government
Bureaucrats. --- capacity
Societal organizations(non-governmental organizations).
Social trust.
the generalized trust may be more important.
Trust in media ---?
What happened (objectively)?
Do not interpret, simply state the facts.
Let’s be honest: the first thing most of us do when skimming a paper is look at the figures. If your key results can be presented in figures, then start with that, and structure your paper around that.
Results are objective, but science isn’t about listing data, it’s about extracting meaning from what we observe.
What do your results tell you about the core problem you were investigating?
Bring it back to the big picture. How do your results fit into the current body of knowledge?
Most importantly, how can these results help you ask better questions?
Instead of “Problem Description”, be direct: “The problem is that X doesn’t do Y.”
Although vaccination is widely regarded as one of the greatest medical achievements in civilization, progress was stalled in the recent four decades. Measles cases increased by 30% worldwide (WTO 2019) and even the USA which was declared measles-free status in 2000 saw the outbreak of measles in New York City and New York State in 2019 (Borter 2019). Globally, in 2019, 44% (85 countries) of the world’s 194 countries failed to achieve the Global Vaccine Action Plan (GVAP) target of 90 percent of DTP3 (WHO 2020).
Many factors affect the vaccination rate and the importance of factors varies across areas and countries. Infrastructural factors, like sanitation access, water access, and paved roads reflecting state capacity in vaccine provision and delivery, are still strongly associated with vaccination rates at least in Africa, Eastern Mediterranean, and Western Pacific region (Figueiredo et al., 2016). Even though vaccines are accessible and delivered to citizens, public negative attitudes toward vaccines and non-compliance with vaccination influence vaccination rates in both developed countries and less developed countries (Larson et al 2016; Figueiredo et al., 2020). Massive polio boycott in Northern Nigeria caused a global outbreak of polio across Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia (Kaufmann and Feldbaum,2009). Parents’ refusal of MMR vaccine led to low vaccine coverage and low MMR vaccine rates saw large outbreaks of measles across EU countries in 2019 (Roberts 2019). Given the severe consequences of the resurgence of vaccine-protectable diseases, W.H.O. has listed vaccine hesitancy, defined as “the reluctance or refusal to vaccinate despite the availability of vaccines “, as one of the top threats to global health (WTO, 2019). The vaccine hesitancy trend was confirmed by public acceptance of COVID19 vaccine. A global survey found that only 71.5% of respondents showed their willingness to take COVID19 vaccine, which was far from herd immunity and might worsen global control of COVID19 (Lazarus et al. 2020).
The positive relationship between political and social trust and compliance gets empirical evidence from recent studies on public health crises such as the Ebola outbreak \citep{blair_public_2017, morse_patterns_2016}, SARS, avian influenza and H1N1 \citep{siegrist_role_2014}, and COVID19 \citep{han_trust_2020,goldstein_who_2020,olsen_public_2020}.
need more specific explain here. Blair et al (2017) found that trust in government increased citizens’ compliance with and their support for diseases control measures against Eloba during 2013-2014 in Nigeria.
Although specific trust in health-related institutions and individuals might have a more direct effect on public’s acceptance to vaccine and vaccine uptake, trust in government plays a key role in vaccine hesitancy in both developed and less developed countries although most vaccine hesitancy studies focused on developed countries. Low trust in government contributed to parental vaccine refusal and the consequent outbreak of the vaccine-preventable disease in UK (Salmon et al 2005; 2015). The similar relationship between trust in government and willinging to get vaccines was also founded in the U.S. (Quinn et al. 2009) and Netherlands (Siegrist et al 2014). In less developed countries, the public’s distrust in their government led to polio boycott (Jegede 2007), which caused the outbreak of infectious diseases in Africa. More importantly, distrust in government might cause government and media campaigns against misinformation to have counterproductive effects by increasing public doubts and contributing to the spread of rumors and conspiracy of vaccine safety and diseases in both developed and less developed countries (Casiday et al 2006; Raithatha et al 2003; McCoy 2014). Evidence-based strategies may not successfully address hesitancy (Marti et al., 2017) and mandated programs might produce boomerang effects when citizens do not trust their government, authorities, health system, or health workers regardless of vaccines’ safety.
Public health scholars called on political science join the study of mistrust and misinformation in vaccines since the general climate of distrust in government, politics, media, and professions worsens distrust in vaccines (Cooper et al.,2008). There is a gap between the existing vaccine hesitancy studies and the wider trust literature and a need for research on how trust varies over time (Larson et al. 2018,p1599). However, except for a few studies on trust and infectious disease control during crisis (Tsai et al. 2020; blair_public_2017), the topic of trust and vaccination did not attract much political scientists’ attention, not to mention cross-national studies.
Trust is most need in uncertainty and crisis time but “trust is built long before the time that trust matters” (Larson and Heymann, 2010, 271). The low acceptance to COVID19 just confirms the long-term trends of vaccine hesitancy (Lazarus et al 2020; Baleta 2020).
Studying trust and vaccination compliance contributes to our understanding of how a general political and social context shapes the public decisions and behaviors during the normal time. In addition, by studying comparative trust and vaccination rates over time, we can overcome the limitation of generalization from single country case study.
Although vaccination compliance or vaccine hesitancy is an individual decision, it reflects a broader relationship between the public and the state as well as science (Poltorak et al 2004). To disentangle the complex relationship between the public and state, it is better to investigate different types of attitudinal relationship than the solo relationship between the public and government.
Government recommendation on vaccines is one of a few universal promoters of vaccine across countries (Larson et al. 2014), but the effects of governments on vaccination coverage are conditional on public trust toward government and authorities.
According to H and R, public take trust as a heristic to make their decision about their compliance. When trust plays as a short-cut for the pubic, public decisions might or might not depend on their knowledge on the issues or their estimations on the competence of bureaucracy that implementing the policies. The public who trusted their government were more likely to accept COVID19 vaccine (Lazarus et al. 2020) and comply and support disease control measures, like social distancing(Blair et al. 2017). Moreover, citizens’ compliance might not depend on their knowledge, and in contrast, those who trust government were less likely to be informed about transmission pathway of Ebola in Liberia (Blair et al. 2017). The public who had knowledge on disease might be still resistant to comply policy just because they do not trust their government which makes the policy. In other words, awareness of seriousness of infectious disease can not automatically introduce public compliance. Trust in institution matters. Although correct knowledge does not induce compliance automatically, false beliefs and rumoers fomented by distrust in institutions worsened public non-compliance (Mistrust 2014; McCoy 2014). People who distrust government are more susceptible to misinformation or rumors about vaccine safety (Raithatha et al., 2003; Salmon et al., 2005).
Moreover, although trust in institutions is thought more stable (Easton 1965; Norris 1999), given the increasing polarization trend, it will be not surprising that trust in representative institutions is becoming more fluctuated. Citizens take political cue from knowledgeable and like-mind elites (Gilens and Murakawa 2002). People’s trust in representative institutions might reflect whether they think elected elites have like-mind with them. Therefore, citizens’ high trust in representative institutions give them a reliable cue to comply policies.
Therefore, H1 is:
High trust in representative institutions leads to high vaccination rate.
Unlike trust in representative institutions is ideologically based, trust in bureaucracy is evaluation based. Scholars argued that trust in bureaucracy depends on procedural impartiality (R and S 2008), procedural justice (Tyler, 1994), and administrative competency (Levi, Sacks and Tyler 2009). Moreover, the public’s perceptions of government effectiveness are more important than real effectiveness (Tyler, 2004, pp 84-89). Public evaluations of bureaucracy are formed from public perception and experience of whether they are treated impartially and whether government agencies have capacities to deal with their needs in their interaction. Citizens’ trust in bureaucracy, as the evaluation of bureaucracy, is the proxy of their approval of bureaucracy performance and competency.
Average citizens have far more interactions with government agencies and officials in their daily life than with elites in representative institutions (including the federal government). Studies showed that if their experience with government officials (agencies) is featured impartiality, citizens are more likely to comply with policies (Huq et al., 2011). Not only average citizens but also village leaders are more likely to cooperate with the government when their perceptions of government competence and fairness in distribution were improved during public health crisis (Haim et al. 2020). However, there are mixed results about procedural, trust, and compliance. Blair et al (2019) found the procedural fairness from the police increased citizens’ crime reports but didn’t improve citizens’ trust in police, court, and government at least immediately in a low trust country. In contrast, approval of bureaucracy and trust in ministries improved trust in government in general (Tsai et al 2020; Fucilla, 2021).
Impartiality improves cooperation and compliance but might not improve trust in a short time, but trust in bureaucracy, the citizens’ long term evaluation of bureaucracy performance based on their experience with the procedure, can induce public compliance with policies. Therefore, it is possible that even though the public might not trust representative institutions, if they believe that bureaucracy has the capacity to deal with social and health issues and they are treated impartially, they still would like to comply with policies implemented by government agencies.
Social capital can yield concerns for others’ welfare (Ostrom 2015). Social trust as the core of social capital (Putnam 1993) might culture citizens’ compliance with policies at society interest. People with high generalized trust might be more likely to take vaccinination as a contribution to herd immuniatzation to protect others.
Ronnerstand (2013) found there was a strong positive relationship between generalized trust and vaccine uptake.
However, on the other hand, people who have high generalized trust are more likely to trust others without
rational calculation, so might be more suscetiple to misinformation and rumors of vaccines.
As for particularized trust, according to a recent systematic review, no studies focused on vaccine uptake and trust in friends, family, or communities (Larson et al. 2018). Since particularized trust is trust toward known people or people sharing the similar background, particularized trust might be more likely to yield resistance to vaccination rather than acceptance to vaccination.
People are susceptible to misinformation and rumor because citizens cannot access to correct information or do not trust the credibility of sources that provide correct information. As for the former reason, governments and media should do more information campaign against misinformation. However, if public do not trust either of their government and media or both, the campaign might have perverse effects. Exposure to media campaign or government information either refuting false claims of MMR/autism or emphasizing the harms of MMR in images or narrative was founded to have counterproductive effects on people’s attitude about vaccine safety and side effects and decrease the uptake, at least in studies in the U.S. and UK.(Donnelly 2000; Nyhan et al., 2014). Although there were studies on trust and vaccine uptake/hesitancy and on misinformation and vaccine hesitancy, there was no study on vaccine uptake and trust in media (Larson et al 2018).
Presumely, government and mainstream of media provide correct information, public trust in government and media influence their decision on vaccination.
As witnessed recently, companying the outbreak of covid19 pandemic is “infodemic” referring to misinformation and rumor about virus(Bliss et al., 2020). The attributes of social media platforms speed the dissemination of misinformation and rumors, which posts question to what extent the public would accept vaccines. The trust in online news and social media might be more likely to resist vaccines.
In terms of method, most studies on trust and public compliance either in vaccination or disease control measures focused on single countries at individual level, using survey data (Onyeneho et al 2015;Blair et al 2017), experiments (Tsai et al 2020; Nyhan et al 2014) or deep qualitative case study (Raithatha et al 2003; Jedege 2007). Country-specific studies provide details for explaining trust and compliance but have limitation in generalization. A few of recent studies are examining vaccination coverage at aggregate level but mainly focusing on infrastructural factors (F 2016; F 2020).
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